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歡迎進入中國休閑研究網站

You Are Welcome to the Website of Chinese Leisure Studies

 

 

迷亂時代:來自歐洲社會學家的沉思與吶喊

——歐洲社會學協會第十屆大會紀要

馬惠娣

 

歐洲社會學協會第十屆大會從201197-10日在瑞士日內瓦大學隆重舉行,大會主題:“迷亂時代的社會關系”(Social Relations in Turbulent Times)。會議入選論2800(availability),其中83.98%來自歐洲各國,10.72%來自亞洲,2.4%來自北美,0.72%來自非洲和大洋洲,0.61%來自南美洲。來自世界各地的參會代表約3000人,聚焦于迷亂時代中的經濟崩潰、金融危機、日常生活壓力等諸多社會現象,給出社會學家面對這些問題所作的思考與想象。

正如大會組織者所說:“自社會學誕生以來,有關社會問題被多種話語系統所定義、所闡釋。然而,當今,我們正處于一個迷亂的時代:社會不平等日趨加深、社會凝聚力正遭到威脅,這使得社會學的任務異常繁重,傳統的定義、概念、系統都難以做出有力的回答,因此,需要社會學家身處“逆境”,共同探索新的思想、新的觀點、新的觀察視角、新的研究方法,去理解和解釋未來社會的走向。這2800篇論文都從不同的角度作出了探索性的回答。本次大會之所以討論‘社會關系’問題,因為這是社會學的核心問題!

    這里說明一點,最初我把Turbulent理解成“喧囂”,開過會議,覺得“喧囂”一詞并沒有真正把握會議所要表達的思想。在中文的詞匯中“喧囂”僅指聲音的雜亂和不清凈,但我們這個時代絕不僅僅是聲音的雜亂和不清凈。采用“迷亂”一詞也許稍微靠點譜,“迷”:迷失方向、失去判斷能力!皝y”:沒有秩序、混亂、騷亂、禍亂、惑亂、戰爭?磥怼懊詠y”比較貼切,在一定意義上可以寓意這個時代的特征!懊詠y”可以與此次會議的各種文本,包括代表證的封面設計圖案相呼應:烏云翻滾的天空,一駕迷失方向的飛機不知飛往何方!

                                 

97日下午四點,開幕式在距日內瓦大學不遠處的維多利亞大廳舉行。大廳分上下三層,金碧輝煌,建于18911893年之間,為榮耀的維多利亞女王而建。

大會沒有主席臺,沒有會幅,沒有背板,只有一幅多媒體屏幕、講臺和主持人席位。校長、市長、大區區長均坐落場下側席。

大會首先在瑞士民間樂器阿爾卑斯號角(Alphorn的演奏中拉開序幕。曲目是2008年奧運會主題曲《我和你》,優美的旋律和美好的愿景引起與會代表內心的共鳴,引來陣陣掌聲。想必是組織者對曲目的精心選擇。

大會由日內瓦大學社會學系主任主持,日內瓦大學總務長、校長、日內瓦市長、日內瓦大區省長,歐洲國際社會學協會會長依次致辭。

歐洲國際社會學協會會長對整個會議概況做了介紹以及回顧了此前的各項工作。之后,參加2011—2013年歐洲社會學協會新一屆理事會的22位候選人,依次向所有代表做自我介紹,以及未來的雄心。主席候選人二位,執委會候選人20位,選出主席1人,執委會成員10人。為差額選舉。

閉幕式在910日上午11:00-12:30舉行,并公布新當選的理事會主席及成員名單。

整個會議包括:4Plenary Sessions, 12Semi-Plenary Sessions,12Special Sessions,33個專題研究中安排611小組會。9場作者與讀者見面會。

大會為每位代表提供一個磁卡,那里含有本次大會所有的數據、信息。還給每個代表一個ID,可以免費上網。會場利用了大學的教室、公共大課堂,均備有多媒體設備。

 

98日上午大會主題發言,專題演講均全面開始。

Plenary Session:都安排在晚上630-830這段時間

大會主題:Social Europe Under Pressure

三位歐洲學者在演講中探討了壓力的類型、歐洲壓力的特征,以及相互依存、沖突和控制的問題,比如來自瑞士的哲學家Erik VerKooyen說,誰知道日內瓦是在天堂還是在地獄??沒有路。他認為,現在是個人資本主義時代。劍橋大學John Urry ,認為人類正處于迷亂時代的一個峰值

他們的題目分別是:

The Generation Contract: a Social Model Under Pressure

What kind of pressure? What kind of Europe? Interdependency, Conflict and Control

Peaking and Social Turbulence

在另一單元Plenary Session,

主題:“Life Trajectories in Turbulent Times”,有三位學者演講,題目分別是:

Globalization, Rising Uncertainty and the Vulnerable

Vulnerabilities of the Life Course, Vulnerabilities of Knowledge and “Sociological Imagination

Gender Inequality in the Life Course

在另一組專題演講中,主題:Sociology for Turbulent TimesViews From Around the World, 有三位學者演講,題目分別是:

Arab World in Turbulent Time: Who Are the Actors?

Citizenship, Hegemony, Authoritarianism

Indignation and Social Force

閉幕式的主題:The Future of Capitalism, 聯合國教科文組織總干事Syvia Walby先生發表了主題演講;倫敦城市大學John Solomos教授主講了Thinking about Race and Racism in a Global Context.

 

在各個專題組的發言中Semi Plenary Session Program (28個專業委員會),涉及12方面的主題:迷亂時代的個人與社會,價值,未來和勞動力市場“Migration: Ethic Relations, Racism and Biographic Perspectives on Migration”, “Threat and Risk to the Environment”,“Science Theory and Method”, “The Bologna Process and Sociology”, “歐洲人的福利和教育”, “金融危機:經濟下滑(meltdown),勞動力市場和性別,作為社會學知識的一個問題:誠信危機,性別、不平等和危機:朝著持續發展和福利,青年人和不景氣的世界,文化、藝術和宗教,傳媒和消費,市民社會。

Special Sessions:當代資本主義研究,法語討論工作場,教育問題專題工作會議。

作者與讀者的討論共有九場(Meet the Author Sessions:

Session1/Book:”Social Vulnerability in Europe: The New Configuration of Social Risks” by MacMillan:London,2010

Session2/Book:“Qualitative Research ,Theory, Method and Practice” by Sage London,2010

Session3/Book: Unmasking Age: The Significance of Age for Social Research” by Polity Press,2011

Sessions4/Book: “Social Capital and Sport Governance in Europe,” by Taylor and Francis,2010.

Session5/Book: “Consumption Challenged: Food medialised in Medialised Everyday lives” by Ashgate,2011

Session6/Book: “Sociology of the European Union” by MacMillan,2011

Session7/Book: “Social Theory in the Twentieth Century and Beyond” By Polity,2010

Session8/Book: “Transnational Families: Ethnicities, Identities and Social Capital” by Boutledge,2010

Session9/Book: “Families Configuration: A Structure Approach to Family Diversity” by Ashgate,2010

 

33個研究專業組, 包括33個討論話題:

       (1)Ageing in Europe

(2)Sociology of the Arts

(3)Biographical perspectives on European Societies

(4)Sociology of Children and Childhood.

(5)Sociology of consumption

(6)Critical political Economy

(7)Sociology of culture

(8)Disaster and Social Crisis

(9)Economic Sociology Research Network

(10)Sociology of Education

(11)Sociology of Emotion

(12)Environment and Society

(13)Families and Intimated lives

(14)Gender Relation in the labors Market and the welfare State

(15) Health and Healthcare in Europe in Challenge and Uncertain Times. (16)Industrial Relations, Labor Market, Institutions and Employment

(17) Communications Disruptions-European Perspectives on Global Challenges

(18)Sociology of Professions

(19)Qualitative Methods

(20)Sociology of Risk and Uncertainty

(21)Sexuality

(22)Sociology of Science and Technology

(23)Social Movements

(24)Sociology of Social policy and Social Welfare

(25)Southern European Societies

(26)Sociology of sports

(27)Social Theory

(28)Youth and Generation

(29)Ethnic Relations, Racism and Anti-Semitism

(30)Political Sociology

(31)Women’s and Gender Studies

(32)Sociology of Religion

(33)Sociology of Migration

 

21個研究組, 包括討論題目有:

(1)Sociology of Disability

(2)Dynamics and Complexity of Minority Statuses in Plural Societies

(3)East and West in Europe: Two Decades of Transformations

(4)Maritimes Sociology

(5)Arts Culture and public Memory

(6)Socio-Anthropological Approaches to Transnational Migrations, Migrant Families and Migrant Practices

(7)Regional Conflicts

(8)Rethinking inheritance of Inequalities

(9)Sociology of Celebration

(9)Economic Elites in Turbulent Times

(10)The Tacit Knowing Approach

(11)Culture, Politics and Conflicts

(12)Methods for Comparative Research in Europe

(13)European, National and Regional Identities

(14)Bringing Lefebvre Sociology Back in urban Studies

  (15)Sustainable City and Arts

  (16)Evolution and Sociology

  (17)Global and Transnational Sociology

  (18)Russian Sociology in Time, Social Space and Transition

  (19)The Relevance of Karl Marx’s Theory Today: Does It Exist?

 

另有部分參與者以提交論文的方式進行了交流。

我與劉耳合作的論文中國城市化進程中市民與農民工沖突之辨:社會文化學的視角,并在“Culture, Politics and Conflicts”專題小組中發言。

          

大會每天編發ESA News of The Day ,介紹前一天會議的主要內容,或重要思想觀點。

比如第一天的ESA News of The Day 中有記者對多位學者的采訪。這里為什么是社會學家聚集的地方?西班牙學者羅爾說:我在這里度假,我也更想知道社會發生了什么,我們能為個體和社會作出學術性的工作。葡萄牙學者配希羅說:我們可以從社會學中汲取更多的思考社會問題的方法,以及來自不同文化背景的共同興趣。以色列學者恩尼特說:社會學給你更開闊的視野。

大會記者采訪歐洲社會學協會的協調人圣?加倫大學(ST·Gallen University)托瑪斯·伊貝爾,請他談迷亂時代的社會學問題時,記者問,本次大會主題:迷亂時代的社會關系,我們能說社會學本身已進入了一個迷亂時代嗎?或者說:它已經存在?伊貝爾說:不是社會學的迷亂時代,社會學是研究社會現象的,而是社會學正處于一個迷亂時代,這次大會的主題我們只所以選擇社會關系問題,因為社會關系是社會學的核心問題。社會關系涉及行動(活動)、相互活動、交流溝通、情感因素等與他人、與制度、與體制、與物質發生聯系。我們可以觀察不同的社會領域,比如公共空間,私人空間、工作空間、家庭空間等等。我們只所以選擇時代這個話題,的確,時代越來越迷亂,經濟危機、金融危機,我們不得不考慮它對社會各個領域的影響。

記者又問:你是怎樣體驗迷亂時代的?答:通過媒體我觀察到,無論是在阿拉伯世界,還是在法國南部,你都可以可以看見許多無業的青年,從經濟和未來的角度看,我擔憂我們將會突然發現我們的周圍到處都有失業的人。當下法國出口產業崩潰(Export Industry Collapse),瑞士有更高的兌換率,這些正在改變我們的生活空間。他說:迷亂出現在所有地方。

 

歐洲社會學協會歷時三天,2800篇論文涉及了社會學的方方面面,既有傳統話語系統的聲音,也有傳統學術框架的傾履,表明了歐洲社會學就是在這種否定之否定中上升,并不斷生成新思想、新觀點、新方法。給我突出的印象是:

(一)、歐洲社會學秉承國際社會學協會宗旨:通過觀察與科學方法描述、解釋、預見社會以及社會變化,為決策者、管理者最終選擇“應該怎么樣”提供幫助。幫助人們掌握科學的社會知識,對社會結構、社會制度、社會關系等諸多方面采取理性與符合規律的認識。社會學家雖然不能直接參與社會決策,但可以用他們的智慧和遠見卓識影響社會的進程。

(二)、歐洲社會學家具有強烈的危機意識,把握和預見社會問題的能力,他們在學術表達過程中客觀、中立,不被各種政治派別所左右,不做政府或利益集團的應聲蟲。他們思想活躍,有各種形式的學術交流,有成熟、穩定的學術共同體。當然,目前的經濟危機影響了各種資助經費的獲得。接觸到的一些代表都談到了這個問題。甚至有文章專門討論社會學如何擺脫金融危機的負面影響。這是迷亂時代社會學正面臨的壓力。

(三)、參加歐洲的學術會議,總會讓我想起凡勃倫Thorstein Veblen提出的“‘準學術’與‘準藝術’的休閑方式,就其所產生的后果來說,都是美妙的、高超的”這句話。這是歐洲的學術傳統,是歐洲人的休閑傳統。歐洲的會議一般都安排在度假期,會議舉辦地都“風景如畫”。許多代表都是“拖家帶口”,或是夫妻同行。孩子們從小跟隨家長接受學術氛圍的熏陶,也游歷大好河山。而學術本身也是休閑的一項內容,這個傳統就是這樣一代又一代傳下來的。歐洲人文化資本也是這樣積累的。

(四)、歐洲學者參與學術的熱情,從一個側面表明文化實力的強大,至今,社會學的理論創新、方法創新仍來源于歐美國家,因此,他們在世界上占據很強的話語權。從參會代表的地域分布看,歐洲學者占83.98%,也就是說大約2500人是歐洲各國來的。歐洲大大小小43個國家,7.2億人口,這個比例夠高的。10.72%來自亞洲,從名冊看,日本學者大概占據絕大多數,而中國學者寥寥無幾,我在那里看到了來自中國少年兒童研究中心的一行五人,以“觀察員”身份出席,沒有提交論文。其它偶見的中國人也都是客居于它國。從這個意義上說,中國學者在國際舞臺參與思想交流的人太少,文化實力差距太遠,文化輸出的能力太微弱。

(五)、瑞士以精準的制表業而聞名于世,日內瓦亦是一個世界會展之都。通過這次會議體驗到了瑞士何以能成為一流的世界會展之都。首先,會議組織高度科技化,從發布信息、提交論文、論文發布、網上報到與注冊、繳費、實時信息等等環節都利用互聯網,而且高效、便利、易操作。3000人的大會紋絲不亂。其次,會議組織簡單、簡約、簡樸,毫無鋪張浪費。第三,學術會議,學術唱主角。學者之間人人平等——氣氛平等、交流平等,協會的頭頭們都以普通學者的身份參與各個小組的討論。第四,注冊費收取合理,顯然不以營利為目的。在大會為每一位代表提供的特制U盤里,不僅含有2800篇會議論文摘要,而且有歐洲社會學前沿的文章、討論等等,讓人感到“貨真價實”和“物有所值”。

 

中國正在塑造文化形象,把發展文化作為未來的國家戰略,這是新亮點和新起點。國家文化形象,不僅靠輸出藝術演出、娛樂節目、動漫設計、影視傳媒,在黃金地段打廣告等具象化的文化產品,而且要靠輸出思想、輸出高水平的人文學者、輸出最新的思想方法、輸出對社會觀察的最新視角等等來贏取國際同行的認可與信賴。我們關起門來唱得再熱鬧,也不過是自娛自樂。也不能光請進來,而走不出去。越走不出去,我們的視野越有限,也越自以為是和妄自尊大。

中國文化實力的提升,有賴于人文社科、哲學、藝術、宗教的全面繁榮。

 

臺灣學友李明宗先生看過此文初稿后與我說,如果他翻譯也許將turbulent譯為“動蕩”一詞。查了《現代漢語詞典》,“動蕩”被如是解:“波浪起伏;(局勢、情況)不穩定;不平靜!钡,當今的時代是“迷”:迷失方向和失去判斷力,這是“亂”、“不穩定”、“不平靜”的根源。因此,本文仍用“迷亂”一詞。李明宗先生不僅就此與之討論,而且發現文中多處謬誤,并對文中的文字做了細致的修訂,在此致以誠摯的謝意。

 

 

 

 

附:馬惠娣劉耳論文(英文摘要)

 

The Conflict between Urban Residents and Migrant workers

During the Process of Urbanization in China

MA Huidi

Center for Leisure Studies

Chinese Academy of Arts

LIU Er

School of Humanities and Social Sciences

Harbin Institute of Technology

 

An Outline

A. Contributions of Migrant workers to China's Urbanization

    According to statistics from government authorities, the number of migrant workers, who have become the mainstay for "Made in China" and an important component of China's industrial workers, has reached 240 million.? They make up 57.6% of the work force for the industrial sector, 52.5% of that for commerce and restaurant industry, 68.2% of that for manufacturing, and 79.8% of that for the construction industry.? It has been estimated that an average migrant worker is creating 25 thousand yuan of GDP a year, which means migrant workers as a whole is creating 5.7 trillion yuan of GDP a year.

B. The Status of Migrant workers' Life in the City

      The following is a summary of relevant statistics from various sources:

  1. The average peasant worker earns 1747.87 yuan a month, or only 57.4% that earned by the average urban worker (3046.61 yuan).
  2. The percentages of migrant workers participating in endowment, medical, unemployment, work injury, and maternity insurances are 67.7%, 77.4%, 55.9%, 70.3% and 30.7%, respectively, which are 23.7%, 14.6%, 29.1%, 9.1%, and 30.8%, respectively, lower than the figures for workers who are urban residents.
  3. In terms of safety on the job, 36.5% migrant workers have to face working under high- or low-temperature conditions, 41.3% work in noise-polluted environments, 36% have work environments with hazards of mechanical failure that can easily lead to physical injury, and 34.7% work in environments with dust pollution.
  4. In terms of work hours, only 29% work 6-8 hours, while 44.4% work 8-10 hours, and 20.4% work more than 10 hours a day.
  5. they tend to have poor living conditions, with only 19% having housing with heating, toilet, bathroom, and kitchen, while more than 80% peasant-worker households lack these facilities.
  6. Especially those doing hard work in the service sector, hardly have any leisure time, for they often have to go to work before dawn and come home after the moon is up, and sometimes having insufficient time even just to meet the need for rest as a biological being.

C. Major Areas of Conflict between Residents and Migrant workers

1) Wage

      Among migrant workers legally entitled to overtime compensation, 54% never get paid, and 20% only occasionally get paid for overtime. 76% of work on holidays without being paid according to wage levels stipulated by the national government.

2) Education for Their Children

      Education for one's children is among the central problems for those who come from rural areas to work in the city. They are close to 20 million children at ages for mandatory education who come to the city with their parents, but close to 200 thousands of these children have either been unable to attend a school or have dropped out.? In August this year, the municipal government suddenly gave out an order to have 24 schools for children of migrant workers demolished, bringing the prospect of tens of thousands of children losing their opportunity for education.

3) Impoverished Cultural and Spiritual Life

      Migrant workers hardly have any time for leisure, not to mention any cultural activities or aesthetic pursuits.

D. Major Manifestations of the Conflict

1) Discrimination: migrant workers are often driven around

2) Lack of welfare: no social security, no medical insurance, and no personal insurance

3) Taking revenge on the society: migrant workers are involved in many criminal cases, often acting out of hatred for the rich man and for government officials

 

E. Main Causes for the Conflict

1) Lack of institutional guarantees for a decent and dignified life

2) Lack of policies providing sufficient life space

3) Lack of institutional guarantees for political participation

4) Lack of institutional guarantees for personal development

5) Lack of humanistic concerns in the process of urbanization

6) Lack of patterns of rural space and culture

7) Lack of respection derisively as “waidi ren,” or outsiders, or second-class citizens.

8) Lack of hukou system (the mean to obtain an urban residence permit, called a hukou), as it is called, has created a two-tiered population in many Chinese cities: those with legal residency and those without.

Conclusion

      Though urbanization is a central tenet of the China government the latest five-year economic plan for the country just released, the 250 million rural migrants who are expected to move to cities in the next 15 years could become a source of social unrest unless the ID system is reformed. Having that many second-class citizens in Chinese cities is dangerous.

The conflict between resident and migrant also reflect the reality society in china is unbalance and unharmonious on the city and rural, culture and economy, tradition and contemporary and belief and utilitarian

In fact, GDP rapid growth Numbers and more a place where rise up modern cities could not conceal already social problems. Although, the government has been aware of the seriousness of the problems, but the corruption, “face projects” mean gaudy, officials make a shows and Rigid system were popular wherever in china,so the problem is difficult to solve.

 

 

 

 

 
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